Andrew Richard Buxton. 3rd Rifle Brigade

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The War Diary for this period says the following:-

18-8-16

Our guns had been heavily shelling the German trenches during the afternoon. At 16.28 "A" Company under Captain D.N. Guthrie, "B" Company under Hon. M. Boscawen, "D" Company under Captain J.H. Smith (in that order from the left) left their trenches, each Company on a 100 yards front with their platoons in depth. At this same hour our guns put up an intense barrage of the German front line. By keeping vlose to the barrage, these three Companies had comparitively few casualties goign across "No Mans Land," but there was a good bit of close fighting before they actually took the trench. In this first trench we captured two Officers and about one hundred unwounded men, killing half as many again in the trench. During out two hours stay in this trench, many of the prisoners were made to dig before they were sent back. "C" Company reinforced at 17.30.

Meanwhile the 8th Bn. Buffs attack had been completely successful against the "Z Z" trench but the 73rd Brigade had not reached their first objective.

At 18.30 when the Battalion was due to advance again on High Holborn, our right had to be dropped back, owing to the 73rd Brigade failure, and the whole of "D" Company formed a flank to Guillemont village.

"A" and "B" Companies reached High Hoborn, taking Guillemont station at the same time. It was impossible to take our bit of "Z Z" trench with out flank so much thrown back and it was not attempted.

During the next three days we stayed where we were, expecting the order to attack again at any minute. On the 21st, a fresh attack on Guillemont was arranged to be carried out by the 72nd Brigade. Our orders were to take the remainder of High Holborn and the "Z Z" trench, advancing in line with the 72nd Brigade on our right. One Company of the 1st Bn. Royal Fusiliers was under orders of the O.C. 3rd Bn. Rifle Brigade and attacked on our right.

At 16.30 on the 21st, "D" Company under Lieutenant L.G. Butler, and "A" Company of the Fusiliers under Captain Bell, attacked High Holborn line and promptly came under very strong rifle and machine gun fire from a line of treenches running at right angles to High Holborn. This line of trenches was on high ground and had never been touched by our guns.

"D" Company reached High Holborn road losing all their Officers and three quarters of their Company. The remainder of the Company, twenty-three men, under Sergeant Venner, hung on magnificently in an impossible situation until ordered to withdraw after dark. Captain Bell of the Fusiliers also lost three quarters of his Company and could get no further than the High Holborn line. Meanwhile , the attack on our right had again failed and Cpatain Bell's right flank was in the air.

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He was losing heavily from Germans in the quarry behind him and great credit is due to him for ever reaching the position he did. Though the casualties of these two Companies were very heavy they undoubtedly accounted for very many Germans. Sergeant Veneer, one of the best shots of the 3rd Battalion before the war, fired about 150 rounds at 40 yards range at Germans in the orchard. The Royal Fusiliers were shooting at even closer range and Vickers and Lewis-guns were flanking this line of trenches from Guillemont Station. One 4.5 inch Howitzer belonging to our Divisional Artillery was dropping shells right into this line of trenches one after another, but no sooner had one lot of Germans been knocked out than others appeared from underground tunnels and replaced them.

Lieutenant L.G. Butler's conduct on this occasion was most gallant. While lying wounded and paralysed in a shell hole, just behind the point reached by his Company he tore up his maps and papers and kept encouraging the men to hang on. Two Riflemen tried to get him back but he would not let them touch him, saying they would only get shot themselves. Later on they went to him again but still he would not let them touch him although he was fast dying. On being ordered to withdraw after dark, those two Riflemen again went to get him back but could find no trace of him. There is little doubt that he was blown to pieces by a shell.

The next day, 22nd, the Battalion was relieved by a Battalion of the 20th Division and we went into rest near Albert. After five days in a camp with all the men lying out in the open (it rained hard the whole time) the Division went up again into the line to hold the trenches between Delville and High Wood. The Battalion was in Brigade reserve. We had received a draft of one Officer and 200 men during the time we were out of the line.

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To his Mother.

B.E.F.,

11.30 a.m., Sunday, 27-8-1916.

"A deluge of rain this morning and your sympathy would go out to the men who have no cover except mackintosh sheets in a field. Early this morning we paraded and our General congratulated us on the work we have done............

I wrote just to say I was going for two day's rest. I started off and got to Field Dressing Station, but came back again as there did not seem much chance of any dinner, and I was hungry, having had no tea ! The real fact was I was feeling all right except for a slight cold. To-day our Dr. tells me he wants me to go after all as if I got bad the C.O. would drop on him for not sending me !

I thought of you when we were doing the attack on 18th - a lovely bright day. My Coy. was behind D. Coy. in 'jumping off' trenches which had been dug. When 'D' advanced to the Bosch line, we advanced top where 'D' had been and were going to stop there for two hours, and also 'D' in the Bosch lines. I had orders while there to go to Pigot about 150 yards off at our H.Qrs. I could not get there for three quarters of an hour owing to intense Bosch barrage of fire between which I could not have got through. I then bustled safely through it. He had just had word from our front line that they wanted reinforcements at a certain bit of the line and he said I must go up. As I left he said 'I dongratulate you,' i.e. on having this responsibel job to do. So I went back and took the Company over to the Bosch line we had taken. I then heard Brown had been killed on right of my line. The trench we were in was far from pleasant as only partly dug, and our men were digging it deeper all they could, but a Bosch machine gunner was very nasty along us as well as the shells. We got over well and took a certain number, about 16, prisoners, even though the other Company had been some time in the Bosch line. We then dug hard to make the German trench good to hold. It had largely been levelled by our shells, but still several deep dug-outs. A lot of Bosch bolted out to meet our first line as they got to the trench and doubled back towards us all on their own ! I think we only just got the trench, as there wee a lot of Bosch there.

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"Our shelling was intense, especially the ten minutes before we advanced. Impossible to describe what the noise of possibly thousands of guns all firing as hard as they could on to the Bosch line, both H.E. and sharpnel; then (in the open hedgeless country) seeing the line of our men advance. Probably if a minute later advancing we should not have got in, as the Bosch would have been up and able to fire. Therefore the time of the shelling and to keep absolutely upto it are essential, and to know when the shelling lifts on further. The Bosch counter-shelling was very heavy, but nothing like ours. I could not make any one hear a word except by shouting in their ears at the top of my voice when our shelling was heaviest and my whistle only reached a few yards ! We were going to advance again at 5 a.m. on 19th but could not do so as Regiment on our right were held up.

What probably is not realized at home is the extent of counter shelling, not only on the trenches we have taken, but everywhere behind in order to stop reinforcements, etc. Arthur was in a wood three quarters of a mile behind and had heavy shelling, but got through all right. I hear he worked nobly helping in the dressing-station there. On 20th he came up and saw me. He ought not to have done this as it was not a 'healthy' journey. I did a lot of observing on 21st of the attack that D. Coy. were doing and the Regiments on their right. Very necessary work, but most unhealthy, as the Bosch were plastering us badly. Pigeons were partly used for messages.

On 18th when I first went to H.Qrs., I told Pigot that our shrapnel was hitting our men who were in the Bosch trench, at which he sent a pigeon ! On 21st we suffered several times from our own artillery very severely, which is worst of all but seems impossible to avoid when hung up and cannot tell where the men are. Sleep was very scarce. In the deep dug-out where B and C Coys. made their H.Qrs., there was no room, absolutley chock a block with debris, Coy. signallers etc., and only possible to sometimes have a sleep squatting down. The men in the trenches were all the time in great danger so did not sleep much, and moreover lying at the bottom of a trench about 2 feet or 1 foot 6 inches wide at the bottom with endless passing along and no room to put feet on either side of the lines of tired sleepers and the tumbling down of earth on to them made sleep difficult.

I am soory to say my Coy. Sergt.-Major was killed. It was a very great time, and as I said to you in a previous letter, I would not have missed it for anything.

It is hard to tell you anything of this show till I get home, though difficult even then I think."

[marina]

Arthur sees a good deal more rattled than Andrew, or at least more opne about it. Sounds to have been the worst show yet.

Marina

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To his Sister Rosamond.

B.E.F.,

Sunday, August 27, 1916.

"I am afraid this will arrive late for your birthday, but it brings none the less my awfully best wishes for the day. May you be preserved long to me and to us all.

I cannot say what it is to have the word of God in my heart to feed on, and to keep such such a big view of God all the time, though probably no time to do reading of the Word.

I had from about the 16th to 22nd the most strenuous, mentally and physically, time that I have ever had.

[marina]

Masterly understatement!

Marina

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Andrew to Mrs. Prideaux.

"We have had a time which has been too much. No one who has not been through such a time can in any measure appreciate what it is. My thankfulness is that there is no chance of your experiencing such vileness I have a strange feeling of being wrong to be left alive or without a wound, as we were a mess of seven, and I am the only one left. But I must not depress you !

Please don't suggest that my men have a good one in me. I sincerely wish it were so, but it is very much the opposite. I feel like Solomon - a man of peace - but without his wisdom. We are getting back to all sorts of primitive ways of fighting, but not yet adopted David's sling, but we shall see it before next Spring all right I expect."

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Diary - August 27, 1916.

"The Doctor told me he wanted me to go to a Rest Camp. Went in ambulance at 3 p.m. ; the Camp near Buire-sur-Ancre."

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To his Mother.

B.E.F., B.,

August 28, 1916.

"My servant and I came across yesterday afternoon about a mile from where the Battalion is to the Divisional R.A.M.C. Camp. I have a tent and I mess with the Medical Officers. I have a bit of a cold and am not absolutely put together right, but there is nothing amiss. The value is to get away from the Coy. for a couple of days.........

A ripping swallow-tail butterfly here the other day........... I want now to come and have a long yarn with you,"

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August 30, 5 p.m.

"Since writing the first two sheet and signing them I have had Arthur most faithfully come and see me. So awfully nice to have him bringing letters from yourself, Ros, Dor, aso papers to read, so I'm in luck's way."

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From Arthur.

August 29, 1916.

"I saw Andrew to-day 'resting' at a Field Ambulance. I fear nothing will persuade him to stay there if the Battalion moves again. He is still not sleeping well, and his mind is going over the horrific time he went through. I don't think he could stand another winter here. He has done his time in the trenches, and ought to have some job at home, if his health is not to suffer. He is a most capable leader, both of his subalterns and men. He has a better insight into the working of trench warfare than any one I have met out here, and his practical knowledge of the difficulties and needs and qualifications for a Coy. Officer would be invaluable to any Staff. I feel very strongly he ought now to get something less strenuous."

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The following letters to his Mother from his Brother Arthur and from a brother-Officer of his, referring to the Guillemont attack, may be inserted here.

[marina]

I think we can agree that Andrew does overextend himself when leading by example. Survivors' guilt too. But somehow I think he might well be unhappy at being sent home.

Marina

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From Arthurs Diary.

"How loving and thoughtful he was when I went up to see him for a few minutes when he had been through so much and had to stay there in such danger."

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From Lieut. Chamberlain.

November, 1916.

"Dear Mrs. Buxton,

I feel I should like to write and tell you how very pleased I was to have the opportunity of seeing Andrew at Easneye while on leave. After his long period of trench warfare - he must have been nearly eighteen months in France by this time - and, more particularly, after the recent strenuous weeks spent in the Somme area, he must feel the need of, and welcome a short rest, for the way he has stood the strain of responsibility has been wonderful. Nothing would please me better than to be able to accomodate him when he returns, and to carry on as before, for after having served under him in 'C' Coy. for nearly eight months I recognize how splendidly he has always commanded, and how prompt and eager was the response made by the men. They seemed ever ready to undertake voluntarily tasks of exceptional difficutly, and their spirit and keen desire ti undertake hazardous duties bear admirable testimony to the cleverness of the Officer who commanded them. The very fact that one Platoon volunteered 'en masse' to take part in a raid on the German trenches - the necessarily rejected candidates were only appeased with the greatest difficulty - shows clearly the spirit which animated all ranks in the Company, and the way in which they settled down to their programme of training and subsequently carried out enterprise successfully, in spite of unforeseen difficulties, proves how keen and proficient they may become.

I shall always retain a vivid mental picture of our advance during the attack on August 18th - the most critical, exciting, and strenuous day of my life. Only by displaying the very highest qualities of leadership - coolness, a knowledge of the exact situation, unswerving tenacity and resolution - did Andrew bring his Company through the attack with small loss, carrying the whole rersponsibility for success on his own shoulders. When he led the advance, the whole Company responded splendidly to a man."

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VIMY and LOOS.

September - November 1916.

During the few days that Andrew was away at the Rest Camp the Battalion was given yet another bit of work to do, which it accomplished successfully. Andrew did not like being out of it. His Diary records (September 1, 1916): "The Battalion has gone up towards Montauban.... to get back lost trenches E. of Delville Wood. At 6.30 p.m........(September 2) we got objective. Very tantalizing being away from the Company. Dunnage killed; Vernede and Chamberlain hit, so all five Officers in C. Coy. now gone. The Battalion (and Division) come out to-morrow."

He rejoined the Battalion on the 4th.

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His Brother Arthur writes to their Mother, September 5, 1916:

"Thanks for all yours up to the 30th. You ask how Andrew is. He's all right, much better and rested, but doesn't sleep well, I think, but he has had up to date some pretty poor beds. Andrew returned from the Rest Camp on Friday or Saturday, and was told to stay in the transport lines. This kept him out of another show that our Battalion had, for which I was most profoundly thankful. After it, he and I are the sole survivors in our Mess. All the others were wounded (Vernede, Chamberlain, Catchside) or killed (Venner, Brown).

We now go right back."

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From Andrew.

B.E.F., Billets,

8 a.m., Wednesday, 6-9-16.

"We have had a lot more on since I properly wrote to you last, as the Battalion was up in or near the Front from Aug. 31 to Sept. 4, alas, a lot more casualties. I was hardly with the Battalion, as I came back from the Dressing Station in the middle of it. I am very sad to say that both Vernede and Chamberlain, the only remaining Officers of 'C' Coy. were hit. Not dangerously in either case I hope. We now have had a draft of three new Officers, of whom Norcroft [killed July. 1917] is posted to 'C'.' It is a most tremendous blow losing Vernede and Chamberlain as I valued both so extremely as Officers, and both such good fellows.

Everything continues more than full of interest, and at the moment the news seems excellent. We heard last night that the French were on the Bapaume-Peronne road, and that we were east of Ginchy Telegraph. Actual gain of ground may or may not be of value - this is all most satisfactory."

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There you go Marina, it would appear that Andrew both liked and valued Robert Vernede.

Andy

[marina]

Glad to read that! It woulkd have been too much if they hadn't got on! Good to read the praise of Andrew also - I think it is so obviously true that it is heart warming to know how valued he was, both by officers and men.

I KNEW he wouldn't like being sent away!

Marina

[liverpool annie]

Only by displaying the very highest qualities of leadership - coolness, a knowledge of the exact situation, unswerving tenacity and resolution - did Andrew bring his Company through the attack with small loss, carrying the whole rersposibility for success on his own shoulders. When he led the advance, the whole Company responded splendidly to a man.

How proud his Mum must have been to read that ! ......

I bet she read that letter many times - over the next few months - and after she got the news of his death !

Annie

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Andrew fishing the Tarvie Burn with Zulu

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Diary - September 7.

"Entrained 2.30 p.m. Arrived Longpre (near Abbeville) at 9.30. 35 miles ! Marched till 3 30 a.m. next morning, via Long to Gouranflos, arrived very weary. Arthur and I in a small cottage"

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To his Father.

B.E.F., Billets,

6 p.m., Friday, 8-9-16.

".......We arrived at where we are yesterday morning about 3.30 after a wearisome effort, but hope to now have a rest, though the necessary training that has to go on is almost as much effort as trench life, though of a different kind...........

Tell Mother I will take good care to get all I can.

Tom Buxton turned up suddenly yesterday afternoon and had tea; it was very nice to seeing him. He asked Arthur and myself to come and dine at Headquarters, which we did, he sending a motor for us. Quite an interesting evening in which, as Arthur says, I instructed two Generals between whom I sat in fighting matters. They certainly appeared interested to talk to one who had been actually fighting !

I wonder if you can picture Arthur and myself in a small cottage, ground floor only, rather back from cetre street, and round a corner in a village. Chickens and bantams walk in. We sit in a quite nice orchard outside it. This afternoon Arthur and I cycled (on Signallers cycles) to a village near, to see another Regiment, with a view to fixing up a Service for Sunday. He has a concert here to-night.

The sadness of our losses has not been without its comic side sometimes. There were two brothers in my Coy., one of whom was killed. The other one started a letter to his home to tell them the news with 'I have now much pleasure in telling you.' They get set phrases for their letters. We got this more happily written."