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Remembered Today:

Aisne- Chemin des Dames Battle May- June 1918


David_Blanchard

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Sue

Welcome to the GWF.

Just visited your website and found the memorial list very interesting and was delighted to see a picture of Capt. Trevor Tweedy.

Capt. Trevor Tweedy is mentioned briefly in the 6th N.F. War Diary.

On 29th Aug. 1916, with Capt. Dunford, he visited the trenches of the 15th Division.

His death on 15th Sept. 1916, is mentioned in the text of the War Diary on Spt. 16th 1916.

Capt. Tweedy has a grave at Delville Wood cemetery.

Kate

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Kate - Thanks for your welcome and the extra information on Captain Trevor Tweedy.

This is my uncle, Sergeant Harold Betts, 8th Leicesters, who was captured on the 27th May 1918 at Cormicy.

Harold-3_2_1919-1.jpg

His was imprisoned at Bazancourt. Three months later he and his chum Sergeant Ben Bolton (7th Leicesters) escaped and after four days and nights managed to get through the enemy lines back to headquarters. This is a photo of the two German prison guards who they threatened to kill if ever they met after the war because of their brutality to the prisoners. The 3rd photo is of the reverse of this photo with their sworn oath.

german-prison-guards.jpg

german-prison-guards-back-clean.jpg

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Susan,

Excellent photographs. It seems really bizarre that they had a photograph of the two German guards they hated so much!

I found a number of testimonies of soldiers captured on the Aisne on the National Archive website, some of which I have downloaded.

Will post details later.

David

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Susan,

Excellent photographs. It seems really bizarre that they had a photograph of the two German guards they hated so much!

I found a number of testimonies of soldiers captured on the Aisne on the National Archive website, some of which I have downloaded.

Will post details later.

David

Yes I always wondered how they came to have this photograph. It's dated a couple of days after their successful escape.

Glad you found some testimonies of other soldiers captured on the Aisne. Thought you might like to see what Uncle Harold had to say about the day he was captured.

"I, Betts, on the day of my capture saw some of our wounded, about five of them, who had been caught by one shell, killed by Germans, who bayoneted them. These men were from same company as mine, but a different battalion. I also saw a platoon of Northumberland Fusiliers lined upon a parapet before a German Flammenwerfer - 15 of them were killed. There was no German officer there, it was done by the German soldiers on their own. When my party came up in charge of a German officer, a Lieutenant, he stopped it, that is, the German soldiers. Four or five of them stopped when they saw him.

We, Sergeant Bolton and myself, were captured on the same day at Cormicy and we were taken back to Brienne, a receiving cage, and it was there we met. From there we were taken to Rethel. Here we were put in a municipal prison. I, Betts, did not require a bed at the dressing station, but many of our wounded got very scant attention. The Germans seemed very short of supplies and the German soldiers were neglected in the same way. We noticed that they had no stretchers, they were using waterproof sheets; very bad for the wounded. They were badly off for anaesthetics.

The first food we got was a bowl of soup at Rethel on the evening of the 28th May, but we could not touch it, we were also given some coffee and some bread.

We were taken on the 29th May to Mont-Meillant St. Jean and stayed there four days and then went on to Bazancourt, where we stayed till we escaped. Up to the time we got to Bazancourt we only did ordinary fatigue work. We were with French prisoners as well as British - about 452 British. The French were given the preference. The Germans seemed to have a greater aversion to the British than the French.

We were searched and interrogated at Mont-Meillant St. Jean and had to give up letters and photos, paybooks, at the receiving cage first day; they did not take watches or money, but the soldiers in the line where we were first taken took them. No clothes were taken, but the first thing they did was to take the puttees and boots from the dead. Finally all our puttees went because we swopped them for bread."

There's a lot more to his testimony describing conditions at Bazancourt from June 2 - August 27, 1918, until he and Ben Bolton (7th Leics) escaped, but I won't post it here unless you want it!

Sue

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Thanks for uploading the testimony of your uncle. It is the first time during my research into the Aisne Battle, that I have come across instances of German soldiers killing POW's.

If it is not too much trouble, could you upload the rest of the report.

Thanks,

David

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Just came across this information today:

ALDERMAN ALFRED HALKYARD: Mayor of Leicester

6349344183_10fd63d0e6.jpg

Born in Leicester on the 18th November 1892 and educated at Stoneygate School, Leicester and Oundle School, Northants.

He was admitted a Solicitor in 1916 and was commissioned in the 4th Battalion, The Leicestershire Regiment the same year. He served in France and Belgium from October that year t<b>o May 1918, when he was taken prisoner of war and remained in Germany until December 1918. He was awarded the Military Cross in May 1918.</b>

Alderman Halkyard took the Degree of Batchelor of Laws of the University of London in 1919.

In 1921 Alderman Halkyard rejoined the Territorial Army on its revival and commanded the 4th Battalion, The Leicestershire Regiment from 1930 to 1936. He was promoted Brevet Colonel in 1934 and was awarded the Territorial Decoration in 1936 and a Bar to it in 1951. From 1925~1957 Alderman Halkyard was a member of the Leicestershire and Rutland Territorial Forces Association and was Chairman of that Association for nine years (1948~1957).

In the Second World War Alderman Halkyard was recalled from the Territorial Army Reserve of Officers to command a Holding Battalion in Devonshire from February to June 1940, afterwards to form and command a Pioneer Training Centre near Birmingham from June to September 1940, and finally as a Local Defence Commander attached to the R.A.F. Station, St. Athan, Glamorgan, from October 1940 to October 1941, when he was demobilised.

Alderman Halkyard became a member of the Board of Governors of the Leicester Royal Infirmary in 1936 and subsequently served as Deputy Chairman and Treasurer, and Chairman of the Finance Committee, until the passing of the National Health Service Act 1946, under which Act the Infirmary was nationalised. He then became a member of Leicester No. 1 Hospital Management Committee and was Deputy Chairman of that Committee and Chairman of its Finance Committee till he retired from it in March 1951. He was reappointed to that Management Committee as its Chairman in 1957.

Alderman Halkyard was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant for Leicestershire in 1942.

He was elected to the City Council as representative for the Knighton Ward in 1938 and has been a member of many Committees, notably the Estates and Burial Grounds Committee and the Parliamentary and General Purposes Committee, of both of which he was Chairman for a number of years, the Finance Committee and the Parks Committee.

He was Chairman of the Conservative Group of the City Council from 1944 to 1947 and was elevated to the Aldermanic Bench in 1949. He served as High Bailiff of the City 1954~55, during the Lord Mayoralty of Alderman C. H. Harris.

Alderman Halkyard was appointed a Companion of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath in 1956 for public services.

A notable feature of his year of Office was the success of the Appeal he launched locally in support of the National Hungarian and Central European Refugee Fund set up by the Lord Mayor of London to assist those who fled from Hungary after the October and November rising in that Country. This local appeal realised £22,910 6s. 7d.

Alderman Halkyard was married in 1922 to Constance Mary West Walton, daughter of the late Mr. Edmund Walton, F.S.I., P.A.I., of Chilwell Manor, Notts and has three sons and one daughter.

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Yes, I was horrified when I read it - the bayoneting and the Northumberland Fusiliers and the flame throwers. I think my uncle was lucky to survive as he was shot in the hip by by a German officer with a revolver, although it could not have been too serious as he says he did not require a bed at the dressing station. I'm sure his testimony is entirely truthful. He was a very intelligent chap - became an accountant after the war and owned his own firm. He did tell his family all about the conditions in the camp and details of his escape, but as far as I know he never told them about what he saw on the day of his capture. Well, he never told my mother, but as she was his very young sister he may have kept it from her.

He and his friend Sgt Ben Bolton gave their testimonies at the same time on 10th September 1918, but Harold Betts seemed to have done most of the talking. The opinion of the examiner at the end says "Of these witnesses Betts gives a good account of his experiences, and was confirmed by Bolton. Betts was somewhat above and Bolton somewhat below average intelligence."

I will post the rest of his testimony - a couple more pages - but probably not today. Got to cook dinner and then out to a family history meeting.

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I am afraid I don't have any exact maps of the locations. The OH provides a general map of the area and the location of 250 RFA .

David

Here are a couple of 50th Div related screen shots of the Aisne

1. The Bridges over the Aisne where the RFA ended up, and Div HQ at Beaurieux which was overrun, looking up the valley towards the California Plateau.

I cannot say too much about these images, other than they are based on the 20,000 scale maps, but I thought I would share them.

Guy

post-12226-1171498391.jpg

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Now the villages of Craonne and Crayonelle, on the back side of the California Plateau.

the German front line can be seen behind.

This is where the 50 Div was overrun as documented in "A further side of No mans Land" by VWWS Purcell.

Guy

post-12226-1171498548.jpg

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Thanks Guy,

The contours of the maps certainly show how potentially formidable the Chemin des Dames/ Californie Plateau was as a defensive position.

Incidently, did you manage to get a copy of:

1st Northumbrian Brigade RFA History, by Lieut. Colonel Ommaney?

David

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Thanks Guy,

The contours of the maps certainly show how potentially formidable the Chemin des Dames/ Californie Plateau was as a defensive position.

Incidently, did you manage to get a copy of:

1st Northumbrian Brigade RFA History, by Lieut. Colonel Ommaney?

David

David

It may look formidable, but it didn't actually do the defenders any good!

I have now borrowed a copy of the book. It is on the list of jobs!

Guy

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I am interested in Aisne/ Chemin des Dames battle 27th May -6th June 1918. Corporal Lawrence Eastwood was wounded on this day and taken prisioner. The following is some information that I have written by him, but still am trying to get proof that this all happened in this battle. So far, what I know is that he was eventually sent to: Wounded - May 27, 1918

Saarlouis – June 6, 1918

Worms – July 20, 1918

Giessen – September 2, 1918 - I think the next three are in Poland

Stralkova October 15, 1918

Sprottau November 11, 1918

Danzug (in Polish, spelled Gdansk?) – December 1, 1918

Copenhagen

Scotland

He was in the 8th Border regiment;

Does anyone have any information about this soldier?

Thanks......Ruth

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Hello Ruth,

Welocome to the forum. It isn't very easy tracing the movements of ordinary soldiers. I suggest you run a general post/thread to ask if there is anyone on the forum with specific knowledge of the 8th Border Regiment who might be able to help.

Regards

David

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Continuation of Post #155

Continuation of Prisoner of War Testimony of Sgt Harold Betts, 8th Battalion Leicestershires, and Sgt Ben Bolton, 7th Battalion Leicestershires, taken prisoner 27th May 1918:

Bazancourt, June 2 - August 27, 1918.

At Bazancourt a camp was made for us - 400 British - no French. Dysentery was very bad. Five men died in the first fortnight. We remained until we escaped, 27th August 1918. The camp was first in charge of a sergeant-major, then of a sergeant. Both these men treated us very badly. As N.C.O.'s we did not have to work, i.e. any N.C.O.'s under rank of sergeant had to work. Food, one pint of barley stew! slice of bread (400 grammes) and the substitute coffee. More often than not the bread was mouldy. The German soldiers, however, received the same, but more. They had 700 grammes of bread and probably a little meat in the stew, horseflesh. Got no parcels here and had no opportunity of writing home until 4th July 1918. We were then allowed to write a postcard and after that a letter. I, Betts, wrote in all six letters. I, Betts, yesterday found out that my postcard reached home, I do not know when, but no letters. I, Bolton, do not know whether my postcard or letters reached home or not. We received no correspondence at all.

Bazancourt is 15 kilometres from the French line, this was within shell area. We have seen shells burst within 1 kilometre on the ridge, but the French knew we were there. Work done was building and repairing railways - conditions were bad. On the average 10 hours a day and this would be on a bowl of coffee - all depended on whether a man was working on a morning or afternoon shift. We had huts, but very crowded - unhealthy and insanitary - beds in tiers, about 120 in a hut which would have taken 80 comfortably. We received blankets after we had been there two months and then one thin blanket, not German but looted - small fancy blankets.

For latrines a long hole was dug and it was left without any treatent and it got into a terrible state – millions of flies and a terrible stench. This was specially bad and practically every man in the camp had dysentery. There were five deaths from dysentery during the three months we were there. If a man was really too bad to go out to work he was sent to a hospital at Rethel, but here the treatment was bad owing to poor and scanty food. If a man went sick he might be sent to the health officer in the village, but this man really had no supplies. There was no heating apparatus in the tents and no drying facilities. Eventually we had a well sunk and a wash-house was built for us where we could rinse our clothes, but no soap; the German soldiers have no soap and there appears to be none in Germany. The camp got filthy and verminous. After we had been six weeks in camp we were taken to some baths where our clothes were fumigated, and then they proposed fumigating us every month, and this was done. There was also some pleurisy. Sergeant Harman and Eltham both had pleurisy and were sent to Rethel. They were not returned to Bazancourt and we presumed they were sent to Germany.

There was a canteen near the camp and we could buy cigarettes here at an exorbitant price, but nothing else.

There was an English-speaking German who came from Berlin, an interpreter; he was equivalent to our lance-corporal; his name was Hantzschel. This man did not help us at all, and we had to be very careful what we said.

The guards we had were a party of Landsturm; they were mostly old men who had come out of the line, and this place was used as a convalescent home for them; they were changed twice. In some cases their treatment was brutal; we have seen them knock prisoners about and we used to report them to the Commandant, but we received no satisfaction. There was never anybody seriously injured by this treatment but frequently prisoners would be injured by the work on the railway. The work was very heavy, and the men would be so weak from lack of food. We did not receive any clothing, but there was none there to give us even if we had wanted any; there was no insanity among the prisoners, and there was never any suggestion as to assuming German nationality. In our letters we were instructed we were to say we were well fed and well treated. From our letters it would appear as if we were in Germany, they would not show we were in occupied territory. Our letters were sent to Friedrichsfeld to be censored.

We saw no other British prisoners, but some French captured in July, about 350, they stopped in our camp one night. These men were very well treated, and caused some discontent amongst us because we were not so. They came to our camp the same day that they were captured.

The German guards seem very dispirited. They do not think they will win, and they also say that the moral of the civil population in Germany is low and that it only wants a spark to set a revolution going. They seem very bitter against America, and realise that she has put a final touch to the war. Their first question always was "were we Americans?" The German troops on that front came from the Russian front and had probably never seen an Englishman.

If we went out as sergeants we received half a mark a day. Of course we paid it all back to the canteen. We were paid in francs, and owing to the cost of exchange 10d was only worth 8d. The men received 35 pfgs. per diem.

For the least offence a man was punished. The least form was stopping the bread ration and also pack drill – this was a German pack drill with an abnormal weight in it, bricks and stone – and we were punished for the least offence. We were not bombed at all, but the French did splendid work in this locality. Only a few other prisoners came to Bazancourt apart from the original lot. We were never informed what punishment we should receive for different offences, it was all simply left to the discretion of the sergeant.

I, Bolton, tried to escape before, but was captured. I got my pack drill.

What we chiefly complain of is the great shortage of food, long and hard conditions of labour, and dirty and bad accommodation – no recreation, not even an e

English book or paper, and we got no news whatever. Treatment, generally speaking, bad. No correspondence from home. We both of us lost at least 3 stone during captivity, and we both had dysentery in camp. The food is very short even among the line troops, but they have a good deal of dried vegetable and dried fruit. Their physical condition appears to be very bad, and from the way the wounded fare (that is the German wounded) their recuperative powers have decreased.

We escaped on 27th August 1918.

Testimony given on 10th September 1918 Examiner J. W. Campbell.

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Thanks again Susan for posting more information concerning your uncle's adventures as an escaped prisoner of war,

Regards

David

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National Archives: WW1 Prisoners of War Interviews

Men Taken prisoner between 27th May 1918 and the 6th June 1918

Name(s): Richardson, Wills

Page no: 4028-4029

Corps: Royal Engineers.

Regiment No: 32771

Rank: Sapper

Organisations mentioned: German Red Cross

People mentioned: Captain Liever, Charleville Hospital; Robert F Fox, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/573

Name(s): Jones, Henry

Page no: 4009-4011

Corps: Royal Field Artillery attached 225th Division Employment Company.

Regiment No: 341012

Rank: Gunner

Organisations mentioned: French Red Cross Sisters of Mercy

People mentioned: Joseph R Gammon, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/564

Name(s): Tubbs, J

Page no: 3200-3201

Corps: 1st East Yorks.

Regiment No: 42375

Rank: Lance Corporal

People mentioned: Captain T Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/449

Name(s): Behan, T

Page no: 3200-3201

Corps: 21st Machine Gun Corps.

Regiment No: 3344

Rank: Corporal

People mentioned: Captain T Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/448

Name(s): Rhodes, William

Page no: 3196-3199

Corps: 1st Battalion East Yorkshire Regiment

Regiment No: 9394

Rank: Sergeant

Organisations mentioned: Algerian Red Cross

People mentioned: Lieutenant Robinson, 1st Battalion East Yorkshire Regiment; Second Lieutenant Wright, 1st Battalion East Yorkshire Regiment; ...

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/446

Name(s): Sharp, O T

Page no: 3193-3194

Corps: 2nd Battalion Lincolnshire Regiment.

Regiment No: 8166

Rank: Company Sergeant Major

People mentioned: Corporal Millard, 14th Northumberland Fusiliers; Jordan, 9th Battalion King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry; Theodore Byard, ...

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/444

Name(s): White, Isaac

Page no: 3185-3187

Corps: 7th Durham Light Infantry.

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Corporal Purvis, Royal Field Artillery; C F Martelli, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/439

Name(s): Golding

Page no: 4096-4098

Corps: 8th Leicesters.

Regiment No: 235590

Rank: Corporal

People mentioned: Captain Alexander, Langensalza Camp Commandant; Sergeant Major Koch, Langensalza Camp; General Scholtz, Langensalza Camp; ...

28 May 1918 WO 161/100/595

Name(s): Churchyard, Alfred

Page no: 3327-3328

Corps: 25th Machine Gun Battalion.

Regiment No: 8753

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Private George Parker, Suffolk Regiment; Godfrey W P Mellor, Examiner

28 May 1918 WO 161/100/524

Name(s): Donno, Joseph Edward

Page no: 3303-3304

Corps: Machine Gun Corps.

Regiment No: 124073

Rank: Private

Organisations mentioned: German Red Cross

People mentioned: A Vaughan Pott, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/511

Name(s): Walker, W

Page no: 2951-2952

Corps: 8th Durham Light Infantry.

Regiment No: 300464

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Theodore Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/309

Name(s): Appleby, S

Page no: 2951-2952

Corps: 8th Durham Light Infantry.

Regiment No: 300651

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Theodore Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/308

Name(s): Williams, J

Page no: 2951-2952

Corps: 8th Durham Light Infantry.

Regiment No: 20878

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Theodore Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/307

Name(s): Rowley, Sidney

Page no: 2949-2951

Corps: 9th King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry.

Regiment No: 26463

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Sergeant Major Kreffer; J W Campbell, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/306

Name(s): Kemp, Ernest

Page no: 2949-2951

Corps: 1st East Yorkshire Regiment.

Regiment No: 41813

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Sergeant Major Kreffer; J W Campbell, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/305

Name(s): Brasser, J

Page no: 2948-2949

Corps: Field Corps Royal Engineers.

Regiment No: 459547

Rank: Sapper

People mentioned: Private J Hall, 2nd Devon Regiment; Captain W Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/304

Name(s): Fairley, M

Page no: 2948-2949

Corps: Royal Engineers Field Corps.

Regiment No: 459215

Rank: Sapper

People mentioned: Private J Hall, 2nd Devon Regiment; Captain W Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/303

Name(s): McVea, Andrew

Page no: 3153-3154

Corps: 11th Lancashire Fusiliers.

Regiment No: 41225

Rank: Private

Organisations mentioned: Red Cross

People mentioned: G Wightman Powers, Examiner

28 May 1918 WO 161/100/415

Name(s): Hodgson, Joseph

Page no: 3149-3150

Corps: 4th Northumberland Fusiliers.

Regiment No: 315446

Rank: Private

Organisations mentioned: Red Cross

People mentioned: Digby L F Koe, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/412

Name(s): Pink, Harvey

Page no: 3130-3132

Corps: 2nd Devons.

Regiment No: 17471

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Robert G Norton, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/397

Name(s): Bolton, Ben

Page no: 3124-3126

Corps: 7th Battalion Leicestershires.

Regiment No: 11258

Rank: Sergeant

People mentioned: J W Campbell, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/393

Name(s): Betts, Harold

Page no: 3124-3126

Corps: 8th Battalion Lincolnshires.

Regiment No: 204289

Rank: Sergeant

People mentioned: Sergeant Bolton, 8th Battalion Lincolnshires; Sergeant Harman; Private Eltham; J W Campbell, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/392

Name(s): Thornton, William Ernest

Page no: 3123-3124

Corps: 1st Northumbrian Field Ambulance.

Regiment No: 386152

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Corporal Hardy, 1st Northumbrian Field Ambulance; J W Campbell, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/391

Name(s): Pattie, Andrew Smart

Page no: 3121-3123

Corps: 9th King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry.

Regiment No: 37686

Rank: Corporal

People mentioned: Private Proctor, 9th King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry; Corporal Ward, 2nd Battalion Lincolnshire Regiment; J W Campbell, ...

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/390

Name(s): Purvis, M S

Page no: 3102-3104

Corps: Royal Field Artillery.

Regiment No: 771613

Rank: Corporal

People mentioned: Corporal Weston, 7th Durham Light Infantry; F Cavendish Bentinck, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/380

Name(s): Rayson, G B

Page no: 3052-3054

Corps: 447 Field Company Royal Engineers.

Regiment No: 459264

Rank: 2nd Corporal

People mentioned: 2nd Corporal Turner, Royal Engineers; F Cavendish Bentinck, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/358

Name(s): Mack, A J

Page no: 1098-1099

Corps: Royal Field Artillery.

Rank: Captain

People mentioned: Dr Wakely; Mr F Cavendish

27 May 1918 WO 161/96/128

Name(s): Dawson, S

Page no: 3284

Corps: Machine Gun Corps.

Regiment No: 144156

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Private L Morton, 3rd Worcestershire Regiment; Private J Giddings, 8th Machine Gun Corps

28 May 1918 WO 161/100/496

Name(s): Avaldi, L

Page no: 2945

Corps: 5th Yorkshire Regiment.

Regiment No: 33930

Rank: Private

People mentioned: Theodore Byard, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/301

Name(s): Whitlie, R C

Page no: 3055

Corps: 447 Field Company Royal Engineers.

Regiment No: 459278

Rank: Corporal

People mentioned: P Lubbock, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/360

ame(s): Turner, C

Page no: 3055

Corps: 447 Field Company Royal Engineers.

Regiment No: 459170

Rank: 2nd Corporal

People mentioned: 2nd Corporal Rayner, Royal Engineers; F Cavendish Bentinck, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/100/359

Name(s): Milne-Thomson, Alexander

Page no: 335-337

Corps: 50th Division Staff.

Rank: Colonel

People mentioned: Doctor Nieter, Saint Giles; Private James Lillico, Northumberland Fusiliers; Colonel Pollitt; J W Campbell, Examiner

27 May 1918 WO 161/97/58

Name(s): Rees, W A

Page no: 355-356

Corps: Royal Army Medical Corps attached 25th Brigade Royal Field Artillery.

Rank: Captain

People mentioned: Miss Colt-Williams; Major Hanfield Jones, Royal Army Medical Corps; Colonel Alexander Milne-Thomson, Royal Army Medical ...

28 May 1918 WO 161/97/

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Susan,

Thanks for that post about the testimony of the captured soldiers. I am particularly interested because of my interest of 21st division and all its units.

regards

Arm

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  • 4 months later...

1 Bty RFA, XLV Bde, 8th Div

A report held in 1st Bty History Room, written by Maj Bargh (Bty Commander) 27-28/05/1918

I went forward with a single gun on the evening of the 27th from LES VENTAUX and reported to CO 75th Inf Bde as ordered.

Enemy were advancing and about 8,30 pm machine gun fire came from wood just North of VENTELAY.

I took up a position on hill 160 and fired on this wood under orders from the Infantry Brigade General, also fired into ROUCY From 11pm until 3 am on the 28th.

Our Infantry retired about midnight to a line South of VENTELAY. I continued in action there until dawn about 4 am. Mounted patrols reported the enemy to be in COURBANDON and advancing towards BREWL. I retired south of the river crossing LES VENTAUX and came into actionon hill due North of N in VANDEUIL between 4-30am and 9 am on the 28th. I remained in action in this position and had excellent shooting.

The enemy advancing over Hill 160 and down the VENTELAY-MONTIGNY road. A hostile Battery attempted to come into action just west of this road. I engaged the same, knocked out one team and the remainder cleared away under cover. The enemy still continued to advance in parties of 80 and 100 in echelon formation and were engaged with excellent effect and continually dispersed.

A bout 9am my position was spotted and I was heavilly shelled. I then withdrew to a flank and got clear with one man wounded.

I had excellent shooting on the enemy advancing down the valley into LES VENTAUX.

I then took up a position on Hill 220 and again had good shooting on the enemy advancing to JONCHERY.

No transport or cavalry were seen but the enemy infantry advancing in parties of 50 or so were engaged with good effect particularly about the farm due North of JONCHERY.

I next took up position just west of CHATEAU PRIN when I was relieved about 8 pm 28th by Major Griffiths

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  • 1 month later...

A closely related thread has started on the "Western Front" sub-forum, so I am bringing this one to the head of the sub-forum, in case anyone wants to look at this, as it has been referred to.

Bob Lembke

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I like this thread.

I want to know, after visiting last year, if this Chateau, is the one which was rebuilt after being burnt down when the British set fire to the HQ as they left.

It is at the bottom end of Beaurieux High street, and there is a great account in the book 1918, by Malcolm Brown of the goings on and the deep dugouts in the garden, and underneath the summer house.

A good passage, and well worth a read. In fact I will post some of it next post.

Here is the picture:

Guy

post-12226-1187651808.jpg

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Here is the piece from Malcolm Brown's book 1918 (IWM)

Corporal Arthur Speight, 7th Durham Light Infantry, a soldier whose career stretched back to the second Battle of Ypres in 1915, was at General Jackson's Divisional Headquarters when the attack began. The Division had taken over a most pleasant chateau, with garden attached, at a village called Beaurieux situated a mile or so north of the Aisne. Artillery Headquarters was installed in another large house, the garden of which adjoined that of the chateau. Speight was one of three Divisional draughtsmen, his other colleague being a Corporal Tony Schaeffer of the 5th Northumberland Fusiliers and a young conscript named Garton. They had set up their drawing office in an elegant octagon - shaped summerhouse in the chateau's garden, in good shape apart from a hole in the roof from a stray enemy shell; reassuringly, it had an under-section beneath a concrete floor which they could use for sleeping. 'In front we had a small verandah with a rail on which we could use to sit at night and listen to the nightingales.

Suddenly on that fateful Sunday, came the rumours of the expected attack. An early sign of its imminence was the oddly incongruous beat of military music on the still evening air. The night of the 26th saw all the battalions who were not actually in the line moving up to battle positions with their bands playing them so far on up the road'. At this point hteir bands sent their instruments back and carried on as stretcher bearers.

At 1.00 a.m. the bombardment began. 'Fritz put down a barrage like nothing I'd heard before.All artillery positions were subjected to knock - out blows from concentrated fire and within half an hour hardly a gun in the Divisional area was left intact'.

On hearing of the forthcoming attack, Divisional Headquarters had promptly vacated its chateau and established itself in a suite of dugouts nearby. Speight and his two colleagues elected to stay in their summerhouse, 'not out of brovado, but because a shell doesn't usually hit the same spot twice'; in any case they had their concrete floor for protection if they needed to snatch some sleep. When dawn began, Barton went out in search of breakfast. He returned shortly after with the news that no rations had come up the night before. 'At about half past seven we had a visit from the Intelligence officer, a Captain Milne from some Scottish regiment; on being asked how things were doing he answered: "Bad enough! We've lost the Plateau so you'll know that something's on". I said "Yes Sir, when do we move out?" The IO said, "Oh! I'll send someone down to tell you when to clear out".

Meanwhile, somewhat disturbingly, they could see a number of khaki figures making their way down the road in the direction of the neighbouring village of Maizy, where there was a stalwart iron bridge across the Aisne. Shells of a small type kept dropping amongst them. I had not seen shells quite so small as this and was rather curious but not altogether happy about them'. It was clearly time for them to be on their way.

When all was ready I took two despatch cases of papers and maps up to the headquarters dugout and shouted down to the inhabitants, if any. There was no answer so I went below and found the place deserted. On all the wood work, tables etc, there were candles burning, evidently to burn the place out. I left my boxes of maps in the hope that Fritz would not get them. I returned again to the fresh air and hearing the clatter of horses' hooves turned and saw one of the French gendarmes who were attached to the Division coming along at full gallop with sword drawn and a grim look on his face. I howled out: 'Hola, Jaques! comment ca va?' He waved his sword, pointed up the road and shouted: 'Allez! Les Boches!' I 'allez-ed' and made my way down the street in the direction of the HQ chateau. I became aware of sudden buzzing noises, accompanied by sharp cracks - rifle fire. This was rather too much for my shaky nerves so made for the chateau without more ado.

As I entered the door a bullet hit the door post with a resounding crack so I did a quick side step to the right and behind the wall. The rooms lately occupied by the clerks and other people were empty, the room occupied by the general and the staff officers was in turmoil, the furniture etc, being all piled up in the centre of the room and crowned with an overturned and flaming oil lamp. Not caring to endanger my valuable carcase any more I left via the French windows and wandered down the garden to the summerhouse. Here I spread the joyful news that we had been left stranded and we got our kit together, loaded our rifles and sallied forth.

Crossing the garden they were suddenly attacked by a low-flying German aeroplane; Speight noted its red body and dazzle -painted wings: 'We disappeared into the bushes until he cleared off, then got going once more.' He set course for a nearby farm, from which he knew there was a drainage ditch running down towards Maizy. To reach the farm they had to cross the road: 'When I reached the road I was astounded, on looking along towards the village, to see dozens of Germans standing at the cross roads. Luckily they all seemed to be gazing in the opposite direction, so I hopped quickly over the road behind the farm. I signalled to tony to hurry, and he and Garton joined me . Those beastly little shells began to drop a short distance from us so we got into the afore-mentioned trench and made our way along it at a good pace.' The trench led to a point where there was a cutting some four feet deep alongside:

I peeped into the cutting and then beat a rapid retreat up the trench again. There were only about sixty Germans in the cutting! Tony always had a fairly good vocabulary and he certainly said some strange things. We held a short council of war and decided that we couldn't put up any show against sixty and thought that we would do well to clear off further upthe trench to seek another way out. However fritz stopped all arguement by coming in on top of us with pointed rifles and waving bombs and with shouts of 'Hande auf! Englander'. [Hands up, Englishmen.] I had often thought that in a case like this I should be scared to death, but strange to say, fear didn't seem to come into the picture at all. Dissapointment seemed to be the great thing. Here we were - captured without a chance of hitting back.

We had the satisfaction of knowing that our hands dod NOT go up! They went into our trouser pockets instead. We were kicked, thumped, jabbed in the ribs with rifle butts and generally made to feel that we were, to say the least of it, superflouus!

As a footnote to Speight's story, it should be recorded that the 50th Division's 'scorched earth' policy in respect of the Baurieux chateau worked only too well; it was, it appears, totally destroyed by the fire started by the British. Now a new, incongruously modern building stands in its stead. A new summerhouse that Speight would not have recognized graces the adjacent garden.

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  • 1 month later...

Just an addition to the thread , platoon of 9th. Cheshires, 19th. Division,

my father James Braddock , 2nd. from left front row, no2 lewis gun.

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Great photograph, thanks for posting.

Guy, I think I have a sketch of the Chateau from the time. Will try to root it out.

David

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